New York City’s low-density districts have added less housing per capita than any part of the metro area or other major U.S. city.
In recent years, the rate at which New York City has added housing has not kept up with demand. Some areas have added far more housing than others. Planning needs to be responsive to the widely varying conditions of the citys neighborhoods, so we shouldnt expect low-density districts to grow at the same rate as high-density districts. But how slow is too slow?
We analyzed data on the existing housing stock and recent changes to it, aiming to answer the following questions:
- Where are low-density districts mapped, and what types of housing does zoning allow in them?
- How much of the citys existing housing, and its recently built housing, is located within lower-density districts? How does this compare to medium- and high-density districts?
- How does recent housing production in low-density districts compare to other parts of the city and region, and to other cities?
What We Found
- NYC’s low-density zoning districts under-produce housing by all available benchmarks.
- They cover 71% of NYC’s residential land and contain 34% of its housing, but account for only 9% of housing added since 2010.
- They have added less housing per capita than any other part of the Metro area or other major U.S. city.
New York City’s low-density zoning districts, which include R1 through R5 districts, vary in the building forms and sizes they permit, but typically allow buildings of two to three stories. They can be categorized by the types of housing allowed: single-family, two-family, and multifamily districts.
Two-family districts also allow single-family homes, and multifamily districts also allow single- and two-family homes. While a single-family home may be built on any existing residential lot, buildings of two or more units can be built only if they fall within limits on density and building dimensions and if they satisfy minimum lot sizes and parking requirements.
Low-density districts are mapped on 71% of the city’s residentially zoned land. Multifamily districts are the most widely mapped of the low-density districts, comprising 31% of NYC’s residentially zoned land. Two-family districts are close behind (26%), followed by single-family zones (14%).
Higher-density districts and districts that allow multifamily housing account for a larger share of existing housing. This in part reflects what higher-density zoning means: more housing per unit land area. But it also reflects the types of buildings allowed. Low-density multifamily districts cover roughly twice the land that single-family districts do, but contain about seven times the amount of housing. Mid- to high-density multifamily districts contain nearly two thirds of the city’s housing units, despite covering only 29% of NYC’s residential land.
Data on housing construction since 2010 reveals stark differences in the rate at which housing has been added in single-family, two-family, and multifamily low-density zoning districts.
Of the nearly 40,000 units started or completed in low-density neighborhoods; roughly 24,400 (61%) are in multifamily districts, compared with 13,700 (35%) in two-family districts, and just 1,600 (5%) in single-family districts. Over the same time period, over 365,000 units were permitted or completed in mid- and high-density districts.
In other words, low-density districts have produced just 9 percent of the city’s new housing since 2010.
Per-capital housing production is a common measure of the adequacy of housing growth. It is typically higher in young or sprawling cities and lower in already built-up areas; the same amount of new housing will yield a higher growth rate in a sparsely populated area than in an urban one. But it provides a good measure of how well an area is providing for the natural growth of its population, and how much it’s imposing on other areas the demands of population growth.
From 2011 to 2020, NYC’s mid- and high-density districts produced almost as much housing per capita as Houston and Dallas, with a yearly average of 5.48 new housing units per 1000 residents created. In contrast, during the same period, NYC’s low-density districts produced just 0.45 new housing units per 1000 residents per year, which trailed Detroit for the lowest rate among cities examined.
We also compared low-density districts with portions of the New York metro region analyzed in the Department of City Planning’s regional analysis. Mid- and high-density districts in NYC produced more housing per capita than any subregion. And NYC’s low-density districts produced less housing per capita than any other portion of the region, including housing-starved Long Island.
New York City’s low-density districts are producing new housing at an extremely low rate — not just lower than high-density areas; not just lower than other growing cities: new housing is doing less to support neighborhood population growth in low-density New York City than in troubled, shrinking cities like Detroit or in the New York suburbs.
This isn’t to say that all low-density areas must become high-density areas! Growth can take many forms, including many that already exist in low-density neighborhoods: accessory dwelling units, two-family homes, semi-detached or attached houses, or small apartment buildings. Growth can be achieved incrementally, with small additions spread over a large area, as well as through location-specific changes that allow more density in appropriate places. But for New York City’s neighborhoods to contribute equitably to housing growth, we will need to find more ways to add housing in low-density districts.
Our next research brief will look at the many changes to zoning in low-density neighborhoods in recent decades, and how, individually and cumulatively, they have contributed to the uniquely slow growth of low-density areas by limiting the amount and variety of housing that can be lawfully added.
For more detailed findings, infographics, and CHPC’s methodology, click here to read the full brief.
This policy brief is part of CHPCs One Size Housing Fits All initiative, which investigates how well the range of housing options available meet the diverse and dynamic needs of New Yorkers lives – and what we can do better to meet those needs.
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